1201 lines
70 KiB
Markdown
1201 lines
70 KiB
Markdown
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**NIKOS A. SALINGAROS**
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**A THEORY OF ARCHITECTURE, Sustasis press, 2006, 2014.**
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**Chapter 11 --- Two Languages for Architecture**
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*Design in architecture and urbanism is guided by two distinct
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complementary languages: a pattern language, and a form language. The
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pattern language contains rules for how human beings interact with built
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forms --- a pattern language codifies practical solutions developed over
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millennia, which are appropriate to local customs, society, and climate.
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A form language, on the other hand, consists of geometrical rules for
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putting matter together. It is visual and tectonic, traditionally
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arising from available materials and their human uses rather than from
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images. Different form languages correspond to different architectural
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traditions, or styles. The problem is that not all form languages are
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adaptive to human sensibilities. Those that are not adaptive can never
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connect to a pattern language. Every adaptive design method combines a
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pattern language with a viable form language, otherwise it inevitably
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creates alien environments.*
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1\. Pattern Language and Form Language.
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2\. Linking Pattern Language to Form Language.
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3\. Antipatterns Do Not Define a Language.
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4\. Analogies In Human Communication.
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5\. The Internal Structure of Form Languages.
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6\. The Transmission of a Style.
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7\. Minimal Complexity and Life Processes.
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8\. Architecture As a Living Process.
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9\. A New Architecture.
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*\* Seven Points That Guide Architectural Design.*
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10\. Conclusion.
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**1. Pattern language and form language**
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Architectural design is a highly complex undertaking. Heretofore, the
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processes at its base have not been made clear. There have been many
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attempts to clarify the design process, yet we still don't have a design
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method that can be used by students and novices to achieve practical,
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meaningful, nourishing, human results. In the absence of a design method
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and accompanying criteria for judging a design, things have become very
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subjective, and therefore what is built today appears to be influenced
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largely by fashion, forced tastes, and an individual's desire to garner
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attention through novel and sometimes shocking expressions.
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There exist invariant laws behind design in general, and architecture in
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particular. This Chapter puts forward a theory of architecture and
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urbanism based on two distinct languages: the *pattern language*, and
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the *form language*. The *pattern language* codifies the interaction of
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human beings with their environment, and determines how and where we
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naturally prefer to walk, sit, sleep, enter and move through a building,
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enjoy a room or open space, and feel at ease or not in our garden. The
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*pattern language* is a set of inherited tried-and-true solutions that
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optimize how the built environment promotes human life and sense of
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well-being. It combines geometry and social behavior patterns into a set
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of useful relationships, summarizing how built form can accommodate
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human activities. The *form language*, on the other hand, is strictly
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geometrical. It is defined by the elements of form as constituted by the
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floors, the walls, the ceiling, the partitions, and all the
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architectural components or articulations, which together represent a
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particular form and style of building.
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The importance of a *pattern language* for architecture was originally
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proposed by Christopher Alexander and his associates (Alexander *et
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al.*, 1977). A fairly general *pattern language* was discovered and
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presented by Alexander, who emphasized that, while many if not most of
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the patterns in his *pattern language* are indeed universal, there
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actually exist an infinite number of individual patterns that can be
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included in a *pattern language*. Each *pattern language* reflects
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different modes of life, customs, and behavior, and is appropriate to
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specific climates, geographies, cultures, and traditions. It is up to
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the designer/architect to extract specific non-universal patterns as
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needed, by examining the ways of life and tradition in a particular
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setting, and then to apply them to that situation (Salingaros, 2000).
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Living architecture is highly dependent on patterns, which shape
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buildings and spaces accordingly. A pattern is a set of relationships,
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which can be realized using different materials and geometries.
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Architects, however, confuse patterns with their representation, i.e.,
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what an arrangement looks like. The pattern is fundamentally human,
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whereas its physical realization (representation) can occur in myriads
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of slightly different ways. All those representations, some more and
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others less successful, are what we experience first-hand as the
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pattern. Even as structures get rebuilt so they may no longer represent
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a pattern, the pattern itself persists in human memory because it is
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independent of any particular representation. Patterns are not material,
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though we experience them with our senses. It is far more difficult to
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understand them intellectually, and almost impossible to grasp patterns
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from within a world-view that focuses exclusively on materials.
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One would think that designing an appropriate work environment would
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take precedence in our civilization, which is driven by commerce and
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industry. Yet that is hardly the case. A *pattern language* for work
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environments can be put together by examining the components of
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successful emotionally-comfortable work environments from different
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cultures and periods around the world (Alexander, 2004; Alexander *et
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al.*, 1977; Alexander *et al.*, 1987). A software developer today has
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many requirements in common with one of our distant ancestors looking
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for a comfortable place to sit and carve a bone or paint a piece of
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pottery. Being able to work in an emotionally-supportive environment
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boosts morale and productivity, and cuts down on workplace errors. For
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several decades, however, architects and interior designers have
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insisted on applying formal design rules to office environments. Such
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rules tend to give a standard compromise that satisfies almost none of
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the fundamental requirements for a good working environment. Their
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occupants usually characterize them as ranging from sterile to
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oppressive. Here is a fundamental disconnect between what architects
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imagine office space should look like, and the characteristics of the
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kind of space that users actually require to be productive in. This has
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not gone unnoticed by companies, which have undertaken their own
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*pattern language* development for office and work environments. A good
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*pattern language* can generate a personalized work environment at no
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extra cost. The trillion-dollar information and communications industry
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has embraced *pattern languages*, even as all of this extensive work
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remains outside today's architectural paradigm.
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Alexander also uses the term *form language* to describe the geometrical
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basis of an architectural expression (Alexander, 2004). It has been used
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in this context by other architects, for example Robert Stern (1988). A
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*form language* is a repertoire of forms and surface elements that can
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be combined to build any building, and so it represents more than just a
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superficial style. The *form language* depends on an inherited
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vocabulary of all the components used in the assembly of a building;
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rules for how they can be combined; and how different levels of scale
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can arise from the smaller components. It is a particular and practical
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conception of tectonic and surface geometry. One extremely successful
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*form language*, the "Classical Language", relies on a wide range of
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variations of the Classical style of building based on Greco-Roman
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ancestry (Stern, 1988).
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After centuries of Classical buildings, even with varied and successful
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adaptations to local climates, conditions, and uses, the Classical *form
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language* remains intact. Every traditional architecture has its own
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*form language*. It has evolved from many different influences of
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lifestyle, traditions, and practical concerns acting together to define
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the geometry that structures take as the most natural visual expressions
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of a particular culture. A *form language* is a set of evolved
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geometries on many different scales (i.e., ornamental, building, urban)
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that people of a particular culture identify with, and are comfortable
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with. It is highly dependent on traditional and local materials --- at
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least that was the case before the global introduction of nonspecific
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industrial materials. Along with many other changes that came along with
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the industrialization of the building process in the twentieth century,
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traditional *form languages* around the world have been lost.
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**2. Linking pattern language to form language**
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Here, a general theory of design is proposed, which supports many of the
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ideas of Alexander. Its essence is to link one *pattern language* to one
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*form language* so as to create an adaptive design method. The process
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may be summarized as follows, with details to be developed later in this
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Chapter.
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***Proposition: An adaptive design method arises out of a complementary
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pair consisting of a pattern language and a form language (see Figure
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11.1)**.*
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{width="2.2792049431321084in"
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height="2.6960050306211722in"}
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*Figure (11.1) A pattern language links to a form language: Pattern
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Language + Form Language = Adaptive Design Method.*
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I have indicated very briefly what a *pattern language* and a *form
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language* are; we still need to understand what an *adaptive design
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method* refers to. Out of many contemporary approaches to design, there
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are very few that result in structures and environments that are adapted
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both to physical human use, as well as to human sensibilities. In the
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past, the opposite was true. Human use is straightforward to understand:
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the physical dimensions and geometry have to accommodate the human body
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and its movement. By accommodating human sensibilities, I mean that
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environments should make human beings feel at ease; make them feel
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psychologically comfortable so that persons can carry out whatever
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functions they have to unselfconsciously, without being disturbed by the
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built environment in any way. This imposes a strong constraint on the
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design process to adapt to the many factors (both known and unknown)
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that will influence the user on many levels, including emotion. An
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adaptive design method should accommodate all these criteria, and this
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Chapter shows how this may be accomplished.
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A major source of confusion is that a design method could adapt to a
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style, but not to human use and sense of well-being. For example, it
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might adapt to (conform to) a set of predetermined geometrical
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prototypes, such as cubes and rectangular slabs. It takes on that
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particular *form language*. Minimalist modernism has a clearly-defined
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geometrical goal; i.e., its peculiar crystalline *form language*. It is
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successful on its own terms while at the same time ignoring, or not
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trying to accommodate, human patterns of use and the sensory response to
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built form and surface. This is the reason why minimalist modernism is
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incompatible with Alexander's *Pattern Language* (Alexander *et al.*,
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1977). In this Chapter, I will use the term "adaptive" to refer strictly
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to fitting the built environment to human beings, and not to abstract
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ideas or geometries.
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Since there exist an infinite number of patterns that can contribute to
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a *pattern language*, and an infinite number of *form languages*, there
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are of course an infinite number of adaptive design methods that combine
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two languages. Each adaptive design method is unique. The crucial point
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is that there are also an infinite number of design methods that act
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against adaptive design by producing structures which are not suitable
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to human needs. In the absence of an accepted term for design that
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ignores human needs, I will call such actions "non-adaptive design".
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Post-industrial design is not fundamentally adaptive. Its *form
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language* (or rather, set of related *form languages*) produces
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structures that are often hostile to human sensibilities. Studies by
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environmental psychologists have confirmed physiological reactions such
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as the onset of anxiety and signals of body stress in such environments
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(see Chapter 4). I want to look for systemic causes of this
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non-adaptivity. For reasons already discussed in Chapter 6, minimalism
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effectively precludes the use of patterns, both visual and Alexandrine
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patterns. That means that patterns of human activity cannot be
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accommodated within its design canon, thus characterizing it as
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non-adaptive. To proudly proclaim such a design method as "functional"
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is a mockery of the term, but it is admittedly a remarkably effective
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propaganda ploy that helps in its proliferation.
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Architectural *form languages* survive because they often acquire
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non-architectural meaning, after which they can ignore the need to be
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adaptive to human needs. In that case, a *form language* is no longer
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part of an adaptive design method; it becomes split from its
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complementary *pattern language*. Instead of expressing an adaptive
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tectonic culture, the *form language* becomes a set of visual symbols
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that operate under the guise of moral principles (and thus become
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emotionally loaded). Using that *form language* then becomes an end in
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itself, detached from human life. This architecture has little to do
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with buildings that accommodate human beings, or with tectonics, but is
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a statement using a formal visual vocabulary. Such an architecture has
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its own purpose, disguised with moral precepts that together define a
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completely different world-view for those who accept them.
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**3. Antipatterns do not define a language**
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In the theory of *pattern languages* --- actually developed more
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extensively in computer architecture than in buildings architecture ---
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the concept of "antipattern" plays a central role (Salingaros, 2000). An
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antipattern shows how to do the opposite of the required solution. An
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ineffective solution is often repeated because the same forces that gave
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rise to it in the first place recur in other similar situations.
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Assuming that the futility and counterproductive nature of such a
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solution is evident (which is not always the case), its occurrence can
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be studied to see what went wrong. Documenting an antipattern can save
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future designs from the same mistakes by identifying a problematic
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solution before it is adopted. The problem is that some antipatterns
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persist out of habit, causing a source of errors to become
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institutionalized. As discussed in Chapter 10, repeated use makes an
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error more acceptable, while institutional support from that point on
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makes it decreasingly likely that an error will ever be identified as
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such. Sometimes this knowledge can be helpful in order to avoid making
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the same mistake repeatedly, but only after the mistake has been
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recognized.
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However, knowing the antipattern does not automatically indicate the
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pattern, since the solution space is not one-dimensional (Salingaros,
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2000). If there were only two possible choices, knowing which one is
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wrong tells you which one is right. That simple situation almost never
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occurs in practice. More often, there are immeasurably more wrong than
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correct solutions. Doing the opposite of the antipattern will not give
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the pattern, precisely because there can be many different "opposites"
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going out in many different directions in the solution space.
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Antipatterns do not comprise a *pattern language*, just as a collection
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of mistakes do not comprise a coherent body of knowledge. It is
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therefore not appropriate to talk of a language of antipatterns, but
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simply a collection of antipatterns. Nevertheless, antipatterns could
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(and often do) substitute for, and displace a genuine *pattern
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language*, with very negative consequences. I have given rules for
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distinguishing between a true *pattern language* and a collection of
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antipatterns or non-language (Salingaros, 2000), based on their internal
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consistency and their connectivity to external patterns (see Figure
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11.2). As I discuss later in this Chapter, a true language --- be it
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*pattern language*, *form language*, or spoken language --- has a
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non-trivial internal complexity characterized by a high degree of
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connectivity.
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{width="1.8188746719160105in"
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height="2.679472878390201in"}
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*Figure (11.2) A true language possesses internal connectivity.*
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My present aim is to be able to discern whether a *pattern language* is
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genuine, so that it can be connected to a *form language* and thus
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define an adaptive design method. It is imperative not to be fooled by a
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collection of antipatterns, otherwise our resulting design process will
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be non-adaptive, even though this may not be known at the beginning of
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the process. We will eventually see it in the non-adaptivity of the
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results, at which time it will be too late to do anything about it
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(i.e., after an unnatural city such as EUR, Milton Keynes, or la Défense
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has been built).
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*Pattern languages* have evolved, and, as with all evolved systems, they
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have developed an extraordinary degree of organized complexity. It is
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not possible to understand all this complexity, let alone replace it by
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a design method based on deliberately simplified rules. And yet, that
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has been the basic assumption of twentieth-century architects: that we
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can simply replace all the evolved architectural solutions of the past
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with a few rules that someone has made up (and which don't even have the
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benefit of experimental verification). The organized complexity encoded
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in a *pattern language* is the end result of an evolutionary
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development, and cannot simply be achieved all at once. A refusal to
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apply traditional architectural solutions (patterns) leaves architects
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only with antipatterns, by default. Really bad mistakes (in
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architecture, politics, or software development) happen when several
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things go wrong together. Therefore, sets of related antipatterns tend
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to recur, each antipattern contributing to the failure of the situation.
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The fact that they seem to go together is mistaken for the grouping of
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cooperating patterns in a *pattern language*. Stubbornly re-using these
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antipatterns merely recycles the same mistakes over and over again.
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The analogous non-adaptive failure in a *form language* is more
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difficult to define. Most of that research is indeed very recent, and
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relies on mathematical properties (Alexander, 2004). A *form language*
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that adapts to human beings contains and codifies certain very specific
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geometrical properties such as fractal structure, connectivity,
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|
|
coherence, and scaling (as discussed in the previous Chapters of this
|
||
|
|
book). Again, a *form language* that does not contain these mathematical
|
||
|
|
properties is not a language at all, because it is too sparse to define
|
||
|
|
a rich language of forms. I will call such a *form language* a
|
||
|
|
"primitive" *form language*, or "non-language" (Figure 11.2). There
|
||
|
|
exists a range of *form languages*, from non-languages, to primitive
|
||
|
|
*form languages*, increasing in complexity of combinatoric expression up
|
||
|
|
to genuine *form languages*.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
The linguistic analogy makes it difficult to understand why a primitive
|
||
|
|
*form language* would ever survive. Why maintain a system in use that
|
||
|
|
severely limits one's expression? The reason we do this is that every
|
||
|
|
*form language* has extra-linguistic attributes that help in its
|
||
|
|
proliferation. Once invented, the limited visual vocabulary of a
|
||
|
|
primitive *form language* may be copied unthinkingly by more and more
|
||
|
|
persons. Unlike a true language, which survives through its linguistic
|
||
|
|
utility, a *form language* can survive strictly through its iconic
|
||
|
|
properties (and not its linguistic ones). Indeed, constant repetition
|
||
|
|
through visual copying is the key to its transmission, promotion, and
|
||
|
|
acceptance by an increasing number of architects. Familiarity makes
|
||
|
|
people overlook a *form language's* linguistic deficiencies. (One is
|
||
|
|
reminded of the collapse of literacy in the Middle Ages, when individual
|
||
|
|
letters were copied as "runes" and ascribed with magical meaning by
|
||
|
|
people ignorant of their original linguistic function).
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
An adaptive design method requires the union of a *pattern language*
|
||
|
|
with a *form language* (Figure 11.1). If either the *pattern language*
|
||
|
|
or the *form language* is flawed, then the design method will fail to
|
||
|
|
create adaptive structures (see Figure 11.3). For example, high-rise
|
||
|
|
towers set in vast open spaces satisfy neither a viable *form language*
|
||
|
|
nor a *pattern language* --- they are iconic design failures that get
|
||
|
|
repeated because architects make a lot of money building them. One may
|
||
|
|
claim to employ a *pattern language* together with a primitive *form
|
||
|
|
language* to create structures barely suitable for human habitation and
|
||
|
|
use, such as contemporary buildings that try to use Alexandrine
|
||
|
|
patterns. Those buildings may partially satisfy some functional
|
||
|
|
patterns, but the more they stick exclusively to a minimalist or
|
||
|
|
high-tech *form language*, they more they will feel dead and alienating,
|
||
|
|
so that their users are uncomfortable.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
{width="2.351394356955381in"
|
||
|
|
height="2.1219706911636047in"}
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
*Figure (11.3) A non-language cannot link to a true language.*
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Two instances of partial success come to mind. In the mixed example of
|
||
|
|
central Tel Aviv, an early modernist *form language* is tied to a
|
||
|
|
traditional European urban *pattern language*, as laid out by Sir
|
||
|
|
Patrick Geddes, with successful results. The buildings do not connect so
|
||
|
|
much on an architectural scale, yet they do connect well on the urban
|
||
|
|
scale to create a lively environment. Other illustrative examples with
|
||
|
|
mixed success include dwellings built by alternative "counterculture"
|
||
|
|
architects soon after the *Pattern Language* (Alexander *et al.*, 1977)
|
||
|
|
appeared. They satisfy all the patterns, but they look somewhat chaotic
|
||
|
|
and unbalanced --- far from satisfying Alexander's original intent of
|
||
|
|
ordered geometrical coherence (Alexander, 2004). The reason is that
|
||
|
|
their builders had no *form language* to draw upon. These buildings were
|
||
|
|
built within a culture that did not wish to refer to any tradition, and
|
||
|
|
did not have the capacity to create a new *form language* (the
|
||
|
|
multicolored "psychedelic" art of that culture was never applied to
|
||
|
|
architecture in a way that would help the geometry).
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
In the opposite instance, one can use antipatterns together with a *form
|
||
|
|
language* to damage both built and natural environments.
|
||
|
|
Twentieth-century buildings were built using a distorted version of the
|
||
|
|
Classical *form language* that are inhuman either because of scale,
|
||
|
|
megalomania, or the desire to intimidate. They may look nice from a
|
||
|
|
distance, but are hostile in actual use. This is a characteristic of
|
||
|
|
Fascist architecture. Some modernist architects were also very fond of
|
||
|
|
employing parts of a *form language* of rich, detailed materials, but to
|
||
|
|
intentionally create alien forms. The surfaces are adaptive in these
|
||
|
|
cases, but the geometry is not (sending a mixed message of attractive
|
||
|
|
materials in a hostile setting). Another failed example is found in
|
||
|
|
recent traditional-looking mansions isolated in American suburbia. They
|
||
|
|
use a *form language* (that happens to be irrelevant to the site) but no
|
||
|
|
urban *pattern language*, so those buildings remain disconnected. They
|
||
|
|
have a great image, but no functionality on the urban scale. It is only
|
||
|
|
the correct pairing of *pattern language* with *form language* that
|
||
|
|
results in an adaptive design.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
The architecture of squatter settlements is an interesting case of
|
||
|
|
genuinely adaptive application. Those slum dwellers use a *form
|
||
|
|
language* that is determined by available scrap materials to build their
|
||
|
|
own houses. Residents are preoccupied with basic survival, and have no
|
||
|
|
wish to copy elements of a *form language* that was generated outside
|
||
|
|
their immediate circumstances. There are simply no resources available
|
||
|
|
to make an architectural "statement", although ornament and surface
|
||
|
|
decoration appear on the most modest structures because they are felt to
|
||
|
|
be essential. The human need to make a building adapt through form,
|
||
|
|
surface, and ornament is innate. Everyday people who own and build their
|
||
|
|
own homes definitely apply a *pattern language* (albeit unknowingly)
|
||
|
|
because they want their dwellings to be as comfortable as possible. Here
|
||
|
|
we have an adaptive design method, which, were it not for the miserable
|
||
|
|
conditions of life represented by the overcrowded slums of the world, is
|
||
|
|
an excellent example for architecture schools to study.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
As the above examples make clear, an adaptive design method provides the
|
||
|
|
means of creation, but not the product. It gives one the framework and
|
||
|
|
tools for creative expression. It still requires a talented architect or
|
||
|
|
sensitive non-architect to use the language to design a building.
|
||
|
|
Working with a complete, richly-expressive language makes that task
|
||
|
|
immeasurably easier. Great architects can use an existing *form
|
||
|
|
language* in an innovative manner to create new architectural
|
||
|
|
expressions, or they can invent their own *form language*. (A *pattern
|
||
|
|
language*, however, cannot be invented: it has to be discovered). A
|
||
|
|
primitive *form language* severely reduces architectural expression.
|
||
|
|
With a flawed *form language*, new or old, even the greatest architect
|
||
|
|
has trouble making something useful and adaptive.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
**4. Analogies in human communication**
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Two complementary languages --- *pattern language* and *form language*
|
||
|
|
--- are necessary for the process of adaptive architectural design. I
|
||
|
|
can think of a parallel for this in pairing two entirely distinct types
|
||
|
|
of language to enable human communication. Spoken language is used
|
||
|
|
together with nonverbal emotional cues. These independent channels
|
||
|
|
usually interact when one is speaking face-to-face with another person,
|
||
|
|
and even on the telephone. Nonverbal communication gives a message of
|
||
|
|
friendliness, ease of interaction, emotional comfort, or hostility
|
||
|
|
independently of what the spoken language is communicating. Nonverbal
|
||
|
|
cues are the basis of a host of messages that are often more important
|
||
|
|
than verbal content.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Human beings developed verbal and nonverbal modes of communication, and
|
||
|
|
need both. Nonverbal cues carry through in telephone conversations
|
||
|
|
because one can hear emotional signals encoded in the speaker's tone of
|
||
|
|
voice and inflections. This is obviously not as effective as speaking in
|
||
|
|
front of one-another. A sequence of decreasing information content
|
||
|
|
corresponds to the gradual loss of the nonverbal language, and is
|
||
|
|
represented by regressing from face-to-face meeting, to videoconference,
|
||
|
|
to telephone, to handwritten letter, to e-mail, to typed memorandum. And
|
||
|
|
yet, the actual text could be the same. This loss of expressivity is
|
||
|
|
appreciated by the business world, where the value of serious
|
||
|
|
communication is reflected in the price (in money, time, and
|
||
|
|
inconvenience) that busy executives are willing to pay to arrange
|
||
|
|
face-to-face negotiations.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
As both lovers and fighters know very well, one can rely almost entirely
|
||
|
|
on nonverbal language for rapid communication in certain situations.
|
||
|
|
Indeed, in those situations, one can communicate affections or "read"
|
||
|
|
cues without knowing the spoken language of the other party at all. It
|
||
|
|
is also sometimes the case that verbal language is used to decoy the
|
||
|
|
true feelings and intentions of the parties involved. Amateurs cannot
|
||
|
|
disguise their emotional language and so betray their true intentions.
|
||
|
|
Accomplished liars, on the other hand, lie on all informational levels
|
||
|
|
simultaneously: tone of voice, facial expressions, hand gestures, etc.
|
||
|
|
Psychopaths and hardened criminals learn to control their nonverbal cues
|
||
|
|
so that the (contrived) emotional message supports what they communicate
|
||
|
|
through verbal language, and thus succeed in deceiving their victims.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Here we are interested in building things rather than communicating a
|
||
|
|
verbal message. Still, as the linguistic analogy makes clear, a building
|
||
|
|
or urban setting conveys a wealth of information to human beings, and
|
||
|
|
those signals influence the structures' eventual use. The built
|
||
|
|
environment communicates complex messages on many different levels. An
|
||
|
|
architect may naively expect that his or her design communicates a
|
||
|
|
specific message in the most obvious aspects of its form, materials, and
|
||
|
|
surfaces. The built structure may communicate something else altogether:
|
||
|
|
a mixed, much more complex message, or the message could be strongly
|
||
|
|
negative. The architect might offer a verbal explanation of the
|
||
|
|
building's supposed message that totally contradicts what the structure
|
||
|
|
is actually communicating in a sensory, visceral manner. Unfortunately,
|
||
|
|
respected critics believe an architect's misleading words and ignore
|
||
|
|
their own sensory responses to a building, which leads to cognitive
|
||
|
|
dissonance for the public.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
It is therefore imperative that we become aware that several different
|
||
|
|
design languages are actively contributing to the overall effect on
|
||
|
|
users. The language of building is necessary to express the building as
|
||
|
|
form, to implement and embody thoughts and needs about space and use.
|
||
|
|
The present model of two languages --- a *pattern language* and a *form
|
||
|
|
language* --- is a simplification of what is a more complex phenomenon,
|
||
|
|
yet it is a necessary first step to understanding the design process.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
In addition to serving as a language for expressing architectural form,
|
||
|
|
a *form language* communicates the state of mind of a society, or at
|
||
|
|
least that of its ruling power elite. Corporate and totalitarian
|
||
|
|
architecture looks and feels aloof; often faceless. The sensitive
|
||
|
|
architectural historian can "read" messages such as power and authority,
|
||
|
|
or, alternatively, compassion and respect for the individual in an
|
||
|
|
architectural *form language*. However, such architectural messages are
|
||
|
|
often disguised by propaganda, also expressed in architectural terms
|
||
|
|
(Chapter 10). We are told by the architectural press that an obviously
|
||
|
|
hostile building whose form deliberately creates alarm is marvelous
|
||
|
|
because it is "innovative", thus deliberately confusing its
|
||
|
|
architectural message.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
**5. The internal structure of form languages**
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
All human spoken languages are contained in a general "meta-language",
|
||
|
|
which has a grammatical or syntactical structure common to all known
|
||
|
|
languages (Maynard-Smith & Szathmáry, 1999). Human languages, even in
|
||
|
|
the most technologically primitive cultures known, are not themselves
|
||
|
|
"primitive". Independently of their technological achievements, all
|
||
|
|
groups of human beings have developed a richly complex spoken language.
|
||
|
|
Differences arise in specificities, in the breadth of vocabulary for
|
||
|
|
concepts important to that culture, and in their transition to a written
|
||
|
|
language, but those do not affect the general richness of the language.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
This point is easy to explain from the mathematics of communication. In
|
||
|
|
order to describe and communicate complex human activities and
|
||
|
|
interactions, a spoken language itself has to have an extraordinary
|
||
|
|
capacity for encoding complexity. A natural language is an
|
||
|
|
externalization of the complexity of human thought, and has evolved
|
||
|
|
along with the human mind. Even an isolated, technologically primitive
|
||
|
|
tribe has developed complex activities and concepts over millennia, and
|
||
|
|
these are comparable in information content to the complex activities of
|
||
|
|
an urban dweller in the most advanced industrialized nations. For this
|
||
|
|
reason, both sets of people require, and have developed, their own
|
||
|
|
richly complex spoken languages.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
An artificial primitive language, on the other hand, would not be
|
||
|
|
sufficient for verbal communication. It would consist of, say, six words
|
||
|
|
such as: yes, no, hot, cold, eat, drink (Figure 11.2). It is a primitive
|
||
|
|
language that an old model of computer would understand, or a person
|
||
|
|
stranded among others who spoke a different language. In this example of
|
||
|
|
a non-speaker amidst people speaking another language, however, he or
|
||
|
|
she will rapidly pick up the host language, facilitated by innate
|
||
|
|
meta-linguistic structures that define that person's own native
|
||
|
|
language.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
What we conclude from the study of spoken and written languages is that,
|
||
|
|
whereas each language may appear totally distinct on the surface, its
|
||
|
|
level of complexity is equally high. Every language's internal structure
|
||
|
|
has to obey general principles that are common to all languages. A
|
||
|
|
primitive language or non-language, by contrast, is characterized by the
|
||
|
|
reduction or absence of such internal complexity and structure. The
|
||
|
|
complexity of human thought sets a rather high threshold for the
|
||
|
|
complexity that any language has to be able to express through
|
||
|
|
combinatoric groupings. It has been proposed that the transition from a
|
||
|
|
primitive language to a real language corresponds to the evolutionary
|
||
|
|
transition from the language of apes (and people brought up in
|
||
|
|
linguistic deprivation) to human language (Maynard-Smith & Szathmáry,
|
||
|
|
1999).
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Turning now to architecture, a viable *form language* is also
|
||
|
|
characterized by its high degree of internal complexity. Furthermore,
|
||
|
|
the complexity of different *form languages* has to be comparable,
|
||
|
|
because each *form language* shares a commonality with other *form
|
||
|
|
languages* on a general meta-linguistic level (see Figure 11.4). A
|
||
|
|
primitive *form language* severely limits architectonic expression to
|
||
|
|
crude or inarticulate statements. So, while each *form language* may be
|
||
|
|
distinct in its components, it is not really a complete *form language*
|
||
|
|
unless it possesses a complex internal structure. The exact details of
|
||
|
|
this structure must necessarily parallel the internal structure of any
|
||
|
|
other fully-developed language, and in particular, that of a *pattern
|
||
|
|
language* (Salingaros, 2000). Roughly, these properties can be described
|
||
|
|
as combinatorial, connective, and hierarchical features, which we see in
|
||
|
|
our own written and spoken language.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
{width="2.4803707349081363in"
|
||
|
|
height="2.050614610673666in"}
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
*Figure (11.4) Two viable form languages share common features.*
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
This argument is borne out by the enormous number of distinct *form
|
||
|
|
languages* developed independently by different peoples around the
|
||
|
|
world. It is reasonable to claim that for each spoken language, there is
|
||
|
|
also a *form language* that those people use to build and to shape their
|
||
|
|
environment. The means of verbal expression and accumulated culture
|
||
|
|
defining a literary tradition has a parallel in an ornamental tradition
|
||
|
|
and material culture, which includes a *form language* that is an
|
||
|
|
expression of inventiveness in geometry and tectonics. A traditional
|
||
|
|
*form language* has generated buildings the same way a spoken language
|
||
|
|
has generated stories and poems, and these express a culture's
|
||
|
|
complexity equally. The *form language* is stored in collective memory
|
||
|
|
and recorded in physical materials, and is older than writing. Each
|
||
|
|
traditional *form language* is distinct, yet possesses a comparably high
|
||
|
|
degree of organized complexity in terms of visual vocabulary and
|
||
|
|
combinatoric possibilities. Erasing a *form language* erases the culture
|
||
|
|
that created it. It is no different than erasing a culture's literature,
|
||
|
|
or its musical heritage.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
It is only in recent years that the mathematical sophistication of
|
||
|
|
traditional *form languages* has begun to be documented. Mathematicians
|
||
|
|
and ethnologists are doing this work, while the architectural
|
||
|
|
establishment continues to ignore indigenous building cultures and the
|
||
|
|
human value of what they represent. For example, traditional building
|
||
|
|
and urban geometry in sub-Saharan Africa is now revealed to be
|
||
|
|
essentially fractal, thus revising our customary (and totally erroneous)
|
||
|
|
conception of those cultures as mathematically under-developed ---
|
||
|
|
fractals were re-discovered in the West only very recently. Loosely (and
|
||
|
|
deprecatingly) classed together as "vernacular architectures", this vast
|
||
|
|
body of diverse and complex styles, geometries, and ways of
|
||
|
|
understanding space and structure shames the poverty of contemporary
|
||
|
|
architectural styles. Traditional form languages are rich, complete, and
|
||
|
|
technically (not industrially) advanced. In terms of richness and
|
||
|
|
underlying substance, which are crucially important to life,
|
||
|
|
contemporary *form languages* promoted by the Western architectural
|
||
|
|
design magazines would seem to represent an evolutionary regression.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
*Form languages* comprise evolved systems of human geometric expression.
|
||
|
|
Separate from preserving traditional *form languages* for their
|
||
|
|
informational and cultural value, the inevitable evolution of *form
|
||
|
|
languages* makes possible entirely innovative architectural expressions.
|
||
|
|
Such an evolution is possible only if a *form language* retains the high
|
||
|
|
level of its internal complexity. Traditional *form languages* around
|
||
|
|
the world were dismissed as "primitive" by Western colonial and economic
|
||
|
|
powers, and were replaced by variants of Neo-Classical or Beaux-Arts
|
||
|
|
*form languages*. Cultural colonialism in architecture comes about by
|
||
|
|
destroying languages that are thousands of years old, as an affirmation
|
||
|
|
of superiority and power.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Even so, colonial architecture had been complex enough to begin adapting
|
||
|
|
to local *pattern languages*, and thus to evolve adaptively towards the
|
||
|
|
local vernacular. Many older colonial buildings are now treasured, and
|
||
|
|
are included in a country's cultural heritage. When the West turned with
|
||
|
|
vehemence against its own traditional *form languages*, replacing them
|
||
|
|
with an impoverished set of primitive *form languages*, colonial
|
||
|
|
architecture was itself eventually replaced by non-adaptive
|
||
|
|
"International Style" buildings. Worse of all, those people whose *form
|
||
|
|
language* (and culture) had been erased were caught up in the same
|
||
|
|
deception (that this was necessary for economic progress and
|
||
|
|
prosperity), so they embraced the same industrial "look" after political
|
||
|
|
independence.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
**6. The transmission of a style**
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
A *form language* governs the built form in all its expressions:
|
||
|
|
geometry, composition, structure, materials, surfaces, etc. When we
|
||
|
|
reduce all of this to simply an image, we call it an architectural
|
||
|
|
"style". I can now use the model of this Chapter to discuss and explain
|
||
|
|
some significant events in architectural history. To begin with, we are
|
||
|
|
faced with a serious contradiction. Why do some design styles
|
||
|
|
proliferate even though they are poorly adapted to human use and
|
||
|
|
sensibilities? (Such styles or design methods could be deficient because
|
||
|
|
they lack either the *pattern language*, or the *form language*, or
|
||
|
|
both). Even worse, it appears that the most damaging, least adaptive
|
||
|
|
styles actually proliferate with the greatest ease.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
The answer is frightening in its implications for our civilization. The
|
||
|
|
most basic, primitive *form languages* spread the fastest in society
|
||
|
|
(see Chapter 10). That is simply because they encode (carry with them) a
|
||
|
|
minimum of information. The "style" as an informational unit that can be
|
||
|
|
transmitted among human minds in a population carries over better when
|
||
|
|
it is simplest. Flat sheer surfaces, transparent glass walls, pilotis,
|
||
|
|
shiny "industrial" materials such as polished steel, etc. define a
|
||
|
|
simplistic visual style, which offers an easily recognizable catchy
|
||
|
|
image. These images are simple because they are the homogeneous products
|
||
|
|
of synthetic materials. Never mind that the components of this primitive
|
||
|
|
*form language* do not define a true *form language*; the public accepts
|
||
|
|
them because of their visual simplicity encouraged by support from
|
||
|
|
respected authorities, i.e., star architects and critics (Chapter 10).
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
People traditionally developed and preserved adaptive design methods,
|
||
|
|
each containing a *pattern language* and a *form language*. An adaptive
|
||
|
|
design method was conceived as a whole, without splitting it into its
|
||
|
|
two distinct linguistic components. Indeed, it was itself part of
|
||
|
|
culture and religion, which together formed a complex body of inherited
|
||
|
|
knowledge and practices. The theoretical separation of design from
|
||
|
|
culture is useful for analysis, but does not correspond to the practical
|
||
|
|
reality of several millennia of human existence. Actual separation,
|
||
|
|
however, did occur in the post-industrial age. Adaptive design split
|
||
|
|
from culture (which had earlier split from religion), then the *form
|
||
|
|
language* split from the *pattern language*. Architects shed off
|
||
|
|
influence from tried-and-true solutions in order to seek individual
|
||
|
|
expressions.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Detached as it was for the first time from a much larger complex system,
|
||
|
|
a *form language* could evolve and propagate as an independent entity.
|
||
|
|
This released it from traditional constraints, while at the same time
|
||
|
|
giving a *form language* unprecedented channels and mechanisms for
|
||
|
|
transmission. We know of biological entities that split from more
|
||
|
|
complex organisms so as to propagate freely and with enormous success:
|
||
|
|
they are the viruses.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
I wish to draw an analogy with the replication of viruses. Extending the
|
||
|
|
notion of image propagation further, we can look to recent events where
|
||
|
|
biological terrorists use viruses. Because of its nature, the virus can
|
||
|
|
exist in an inert, easily-transmittable form such as a powder. This is
|
||
|
|
possible because a virus is a biologically simple structure with very
|
||
|
|
low informational overhead. We know how the spread of a virus can be
|
||
|
|
accelerated, as part of the arsenal of biological terrorists. First,
|
||
|
|
disguise the pathogen in seemingly attractive substances, so as to have
|
||
|
|
the victims consume it voluntarily. This corresponds to the promise that
|
||
|
|
architecture and planning relying on primitive *form languages* solve
|
||
|
|
social problems and liberate oppressed classes (Chapter 10). The people
|
||
|
|
readily accept that. Second, artificially spread samples of the virus in
|
||
|
|
as many places as possible so that the maximum number of persons will
|
||
|
|
become infected. In the propagation of architectural images, the media
|
||
|
|
play a key role, showing and praising carefully selected structures and
|
||
|
|
urban projects (and ignoring everything else) (Chapter 10). Our
|
||
|
|
architectural schools and press have also done a very effective job of
|
||
|
|
promoting primitive *form languages* while unwittingly suppressing true
|
||
|
|
*form languages*.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Someone who has been raised in the twentieth century and has been taught
|
||
|
|
through association that "beautiful" objects have no hierarchical
|
||
|
|
organization will then apply this rule subconsciously to design a
|
||
|
|
building or a city. Even though people might find such environments
|
||
|
|
intellectually acceptable, they can never overcome the negative
|
||
|
|
sensations that such an architecture brings into play. The reason behind
|
||
|
|
this typology can be traced back to artistic and design trends in the
|
||
|
|
1920s. Design in art and architecture overturned all established rules
|
||
|
|
of treating three-dimensional forms and two-dimensional images. *Form
|
||
|
|
languages* that people had developed as part of their culture and
|
||
|
|
civilization were no longer valued or respected. Concepts such as
|
||
|
|
hierarchical scaling were inadvertently eliminated from design. They had
|
||
|
|
never been written down; they exist encoded in nature and as examples in
|
||
|
|
all traditional art and architecture. The new artificial objects:
|
||
|
|
paintings, sculptures, and buildings influenced the way we think. They
|
||
|
|
served as mental templates for conceptualization.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Why did this occur only at the beginning of the twentieth century and
|
||
|
|
not before? I believe that it had to do with radical social changes
|
||
|
|
spurred by population pressure and political oppression so that for the
|
||
|
|
first time, many people saw a chance of radical social improvement
|
||
|
|
through technology. They were willing to sacrifice adaptive design in
|
||
|
|
exchange for the (false) promise of a better future offered by
|
||
|
|
industrialization (Chapter 10). Prior to that, people on all
|
||
|
|
socioeconomic levels shaped their environment as far as they could to
|
||
|
|
provide physical comfort and emotional well-being.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Another contributing factor was the creation of a new communications
|
||
|
|
network formed by the convergence of telephone, telegraph, newspapers,
|
||
|
|
magazines, and film. The new media tied the world together as never
|
||
|
|
before, yet also made possible the rapid proliferation of advertising
|
||
|
|
and political propaganda. The spread of modernism, combining visually
|
||
|
|
simple images with the promise of a new utopian world, could never have
|
||
|
|
occurred were it not for the new media (Chapter 10). Advertising created
|
||
|
|
the desire for industrial products that we didn't really need. Just as
|
||
|
|
in the case of internet computer viruses, which could not exist before
|
||
|
|
the internet, primitive architectural *form languages* could spread only
|
||
|
|
through the first architectural picture magazines. At the same time,
|
||
|
|
advertising favors the transmission of simplistic messages, slogans,
|
||
|
|
images, and ideas.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
As a result of its tremendous power to shape people's minds, advertising
|
||
|
|
quickly transformed from a medium for transmitting commercial
|
||
|
|
information to an instrument of social change and control. Its first
|
||
|
|
target was cultural traditions that blocked the consumption of inferior
|
||
|
|
new industrial products. These inhibitions were overcome by making
|
||
|
|
individuals ashamed of their instinctive preferences, labeling them as
|
||
|
|
"backward", and thereby opening up the public to market influence. Thus,
|
||
|
|
*form languages* that threatened the supremacy of the post-industrial
|
||
|
|
aesthetic of glass, steel, and concrete slabs were stigmatized by the
|
||
|
|
architectural critics. This style based on a specific industrial "look"
|
||
|
|
could not be sold to the world until traditional *form languages* were
|
||
|
|
eliminated. The way the built environment looked anywhere in the world
|
||
|
|
would henceforth be controlled by the advertising media; all traditional
|
||
|
|
*form languages* condemned to extinction in the interest of Western
|
||
|
|
industrial and ideological dominance.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
**7. Minimal complexity and life processes**
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
An excursion into biology is helpful here. There is a direct analogy
|
||
|
|
between architecture and living processes. In examining how life arises,
|
||
|
|
the Physicist Freeman Dyson proposes that two distinct processes
|
||
|
|
characterize all living forms: metabolism, and replication (Dyson,
|
||
|
|
1999). Metabolism involves the physical interaction of an organism with
|
||
|
|
its environment in a way that portions of the environment --- i.e.,
|
||
|
|
nutrients --- enter and are processed chemically by the organism. There
|
||
|
|
is an interpenetration between the organism and the environment which
|
||
|
|
maintains the functions of the organism via a chemical engine.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
The other component of life, replication, is the distinguishing
|
||
|
|
characteristic of forms that survive through copies. Although an
|
||
|
|
organism needs pieces of the environment as raw material to build a copy
|
||
|
|
of itself, the replicative process is fundamentally distinct from
|
||
|
|
metabolism. Replication is directly dependent upon coding the organism's
|
||
|
|
structure into a template (DNA), so that replication is theoretically
|
||
|
|
tied to information storage rather than to interaction with the
|
||
|
|
environment around it.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Perhaps the most important distinction between the two components of
|
||
|
|
living structure is their independence. This is better discussed in
|
||
|
|
terms of artificial life, as for example in entities generated by, and
|
||
|
|
residing in a computer. It is possible to create the analogue of a
|
||
|
|
metabolizing entity in the sense that it moves around on the screen and
|
||
|
|
is nourished by devouring other nearby entities. It does not, however,
|
||
|
|
have to reproduce. If one has played with the computer game "Sim City",
|
||
|
|
then one imagines how an internally complex entity can survive
|
||
|
|
indefinitely, and even grow in complexity as long as necessary
|
||
|
|
"nutrients" are inputted. It can carry on an existence independent of
|
||
|
|
other complex entities --- it only needs simple supplies.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
On the other hand, it is also possible to create a computer virus whose
|
||
|
|
sole function is to replicate. Such an entity does not metabolize --- it
|
||
|
|
is simply a minimal piece of code (either computer, or genetic) that
|
||
|
|
uses the internal machinery of a far more complex entity in order to
|
||
|
|
make copies of itself. A pure replicator lacks the ability to
|
||
|
|
metabolize, and thus cannot carry out an independent existence --- it is
|
||
|
|
entirely dependent on more complex entities for its continued survival.
|
||
|
|
Without them, it lies dormant as an inanimate, disconnected piece of
|
||
|
|
information (i.e., a crystal). It comes to life --- in the sense of
|
||
|
|
getting ready to replicate --- only after it enters the living
|
||
|
|
environment of a host's body. This is the reason why biological viruses
|
||
|
|
are considered not to be really "alive", but to somehow occupy the
|
||
|
|
interface between inanimate crystals and living forms.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Therefore, despite architects' concerns about style and adaptation, they
|
||
|
|
missed an essential point that links the two. The high threshold for
|
||
|
|
organized visual complexity in traditional architecture (seen in all
|
||
|
|
evolved cultures) played a decisive role, by helping to maintain
|
||
|
|
adaptation in architecture. When humankind decided to abandon this
|
||
|
|
complexity threshold (under utopian promises of a better future through
|
||
|
|
industrialization), we opened the door to minimalist *form languages*
|
||
|
|
that had unbeatable transmission properties. Humankind had always
|
||
|
|
preserved adaptive design methods --- in which the *pattern language*
|
||
|
|
guaranteed a high complexity for the complementary *form language* ---
|
||
|
|
as whole (i.e., complete) culturally transmittable systems. By dropping
|
||
|
|
*pattern languages* from the design methods in use, the *form language*
|
||
|
|
could then be simplified as much as anyone wished, which is where we
|
||
|
|
find ourselves today.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
**8. Architecture as a living process**
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
The above concepts from biology and computer science can be applied to
|
||
|
|
architecture to set up metabolic/genetic analogies. This is essential
|
||
|
|
for understanding design as a "living process" that accommodates and
|
||
|
|
coexists with human beings. I identify the metabolic (interactive)
|
||
|
|
aspect of living structure with the *pattern language*. After all, a
|
||
|
|
*pattern language* dictates how built form interacts with human
|
||
|
|
activities, which is the defining characteristic of a useful, adaptive
|
||
|
|
structure. A building is perceived as functionally "alive" when it
|
||
|
|
accommodates human functions in a positive and nurturing manner. The
|
||
|
|
essentials of biological metabolism: interpenetration, nourishment, and
|
||
|
|
repair have their direct analogue in a *pattern language*. Buildings
|
||
|
|
shelter and contain people, who in turn build them and maintain them.
|
||
|
|
Changes affected during repair enhance the adaptivity of the original
|
||
|
|
design.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Forms, spaces, and surfaces can also nourish people psychologically by
|
||
|
|
promoting a sense of well-being. This geometrical/visual aspect is to a
|
||
|
|
large part responsible for supporting human activities, though the
|
||
|
|
effect is much more subtle and is thus all too often ignored.
|
||
|
|
(Architectural theorists have dismissed this component of architecture
|
||
|
|
outright, stubbornly refusing to acknowledge psychological and medical
|
||
|
|
results on the effects of environments). The way something is built and
|
||
|
|
the way it looks (i.e., its *form language*) have a major impact in
|
||
|
|
whether humans feel comfortable or not inside and around such a
|
||
|
|
building. *Form language* affects human response directly. A building
|
||
|
|
that is built in a way that its visual appearance discourages or hinders
|
||
|
|
human activity can be said to be effectively "dead", since no-one wants
|
||
|
|
to use it (see Chapter 4).
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Replication of a building style does not depend upon whether it is
|
||
|
|
useful or not, but on its *form language*. The *form language* is
|
||
|
|
therefore its genetic component (see Figure 11.5). A building replicates
|
||
|
|
if for some reason (logical or otherwise) an architect decides to use
|
||
|
|
the same design for another similar building somewhere else. We naively
|
||
|
|
imagine that this copying is due to a building's success in
|
||
|
|
accommodating human beings and their activities, but that is not
|
||
|
|
necessarily the case. A building replicates only because its *form
|
||
|
|
language* is used to build another building, and this decision is
|
||
|
|
independent of the original building's success in terms of its human
|
||
|
|
component. The principal factor behind architectural replication is the
|
||
|
|
ease of copying a particular *form language* (which becomes an
|
||
|
|
unbeatable advantage when dealing with a primitive *form language*). The
|
||
|
|
analogy of a building as a living being is useful in predicting positive
|
||
|
|
and negative effects on its users.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
{width="2.4366130796150482in"
|
||
|
|
height="2.0031550743657043in"}
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
*Figure (11.5) Forms/patterns correspond to genetic/metabolic
|
||
|
|
structures.*
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Other factors that influence the success of a particular *form language*
|
||
|
|
include sociopolitical forces that condemn one style while promoting
|
||
|
|
another style; the physical presence of numerous buildings in a
|
||
|
|
particular style around us makes it easy for that style to be copied by
|
||
|
|
everybody; the virtual presence of a particular style promoted in terms
|
||
|
|
of pervasive visual images currently fashionable in the media; etc.
|
||
|
|
Obviously, techniques of advertising and proselytizing can promote a
|
||
|
|
primitive *form language* and spread it in the environment, after which
|
||
|
|
its dominance and familiarity guarantee further spread.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
To their credit, early modernist architects criticized the fact that
|
||
|
|
many traditional *form languages* were not used to work with, but were
|
||
|
|
being copied in the most superficial stylistic manner. For example,
|
||
|
|
columns are supposed to be made originally out of tree trunks, but not
|
||
|
|
out of hollow material. Falsifying a stone surface by means of paint
|
||
|
|
looks ridiculous up close and when the paint starts to peel. Formica
|
||
|
|
looks cheap and feels unpleasant to the touch. In recent years, people
|
||
|
|
use plastic or painted metal siding that has the superficial appearance
|
||
|
|
and texture of wooden planks. All of these falsifications are in fact a
|
||
|
|
testament to the persistence of traditional *form languages*, but
|
||
|
|
undermine and devalue the meaning of the original *form language*.
|
||
|
|
Falsified materials falsify the *form language*. Unfortunately, the
|
||
|
|
early discussion on the "honesty" of materials quickly took a wrong
|
||
|
|
turn, and turned into an unquestioning support and promotion of
|
||
|
|
industrial materials.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
If the *form language* is too idiosyncratic, then the building, even
|
||
|
|
though it may be perfectly adapted to its uses, will not likely be used
|
||
|
|
as a model for another building. This helps to explain why certain very
|
||
|
|
successful buildings were never used as typological prototypes. For
|
||
|
|
example, Art Nouveau buildings did not take off like modernist buildings
|
||
|
|
did --- simply because their *form language* is not as easily copyable.
|
||
|
|
This is in part because their mathematically sophisticated *form
|
||
|
|
language* could not compete with the *form languages* of early modernism
|
||
|
|
(Chapter 10). Of the many competing *form languages* (including several
|
||
|
|
related ones loosely defining modernism) in existence in the early
|
||
|
|
twentieth century, the most simplistic ones had better survival
|
||
|
|
qualities. To use a literary metaphor, if Art Nouveau were a written
|
||
|
|
language, then it is perfectly suited for poetry, but less well-suited
|
||
|
|
for more mundane prose like a shopping list or a computer software
|
||
|
|
manual.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
That said, poetry does nourish the human soul, which is the reason why
|
||
|
|
all human societies use their language to compose poems. It is often the
|
||
|
|
presence of emotionally-engaging poetry that helps to make everyday
|
||
|
|
tasks bearable and even pleasant. Such is the effect of Hector Guimard's
|
||
|
|
entrances to the Paris Metro stations (1900-1904), which provide a brief
|
||
|
|
moment of architectural poetry as one enters or exits from the
|
||
|
|
underground subway. For many people, they epitomize the dream of Paris.
|
||
|
|
They were ruthlessly destroyed up to the 1960s (because they didn't
|
||
|
|
conform to the drab minimalist aesthetic designated as orthodox by the
|
||
|
|
architectural establishment). The French government finally realized
|
||
|
|
that, in the eyes of the rest of the world, Paris would be
|
||
|
|
architecturally impoverished without those characteristically Art
|
||
|
|
Nouveau structures.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Other components of human expression are also codified in a traditional
|
||
|
|
*form language*: dark passions, archaic qualities and wildness, ranging
|
||
|
|
all the way to an almost savage intensity. These emotions are latent in
|
||
|
|
the human soul, and thus find their geometrical and ornamental analogues
|
||
|
|
in a particular culture's *form language*. Life itself is written in a
|
||
|
|
passionate language. This is a far cry from the insipid homogenization
|
||
|
|
of post-industrial architectural expression. In recent years, however,
|
||
|
|
violence against architectural form (and human sensibilities) has become
|
||
|
|
fashionable, but this trend must be strongly distinguished from what I
|
||
|
|
am talking about here. Normal individuals never confuse intensity of
|
||
|
|
feeling with actual violence, only psychopaths do so: those are driven
|
||
|
|
to derive sensual pleasure and satisfaction from sadistic acts of
|
||
|
|
destruction. A *form language* expresses optimist and creativity, never
|
||
|
|
nihilism.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
A society that is forbidden to express life and sensuality in a visual
|
||
|
|
and tectonic medium turns out of frustration to perverse expressions of
|
||
|
|
negativity, such as death and violence. There is no silencing the human
|
||
|
|
spirit and its creative manifestations in material form; one can only
|
||
|
|
redirect its modes of expression into negative channels. When we cannot
|
||
|
|
express joy and wonder at the universe (because those who control
|
||
|
|
cultural expression have a monopoly on the language), we seek out its
|
||
|
|
opposite. The primitive and increasingly nihilistic *form languages* of
|
||
|
|
contemporary architecture do speak to us directly, even though their
|
||
|
|
message is not what their architects claim it to be. That's the reason
|
||
|
|
for so much empty theorizing in the architectural press: it's an effort
|
||
|
|
to disguise a fundamentally negative message.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Since a *form language* is one-half of the complementary pair *pattern
|
||
|
|
language + form language* that comprises an adaptive design method, a
|
||
|
|
*form language* must tie in seamlessly to a *pattern language*. Here is
|
||
|
|
where the crucial distinction is made between effective and ineffective
|
||
|
|
*form languages*, as far as human use is concerned. A primitive *form
|
||
|
|
language* can be enormously successful at replicating, but be totally
|
||
|
|
unsuited for human needs. The reason is that it cannot encode enough
|
||
|
|
complex information to generate structures that actively engage humans
|
||
|
|
in a positive way. *Form languages* that can be used adaptively have to
|
||
|
|
join mathematically with a *pattern language*, and the join is possible
|
||
|
|
only if the two languages share a comparable and compatible internal
|
||
|
|
structure (Figure 11.1).
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
The process of joining two languages does not appear to have a
|
||
|
|
linguistic parallel. We are used to translating from one language into
|
||
|
|
another, but here I am referring to the creation of an entity (a
|
||
|
|
building) that requires the cooperation of two distinct types of
|
||
|
|
languages. Perhaps the best analogy is found in music. In a Song (say,
|
||
|
|
where a poem is set to music), Opera, Oratorio, or Scripture presented
|
||
|
|
in a musical setting, sung text is married to music, thus combining two
|
||
|
|
linguistic expressions. The most glorious examples succeed in both
|
||
|
|
dimensions: literary as well as musical, and thereby transcend the
|
||
|
|
capabilities of each language alone. If religious text is used, it adds
|
||
|
|
a third, spiritual dimension.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Two abstract languages can interface only if they both share similar
|
||
|
|
structural characteristics (i.e., syntactical and linguistic).
|
||
|
|
Otherwise, they cannot be conceived as complementary. One of these
|
||
|
|
common characteristics is a hierarchical internal structure, while
|
||
|
|
another is an internal combinatorial structure. Just with these two
|
||
|
|
requirements as a criterion, we can exclude some styles as lacking the
|
||
|
|
fundamental basis of a *form language* that can join a *pattern
|
||
|
|
language*. Many modernist buildings are simply too plain in their
|
||
|
|
vocabulary of forms, and therefore lack hierarchical coherence (see
|
||
|
|
Chapter 3). Those that are more complex evidently have a greater range
|
||
|
|
of visual expression, and thus offer a greater chance for adaptivity.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
At the other extreme, the deconstructivist style tells you how to take
|
||
|
|
forms apart, not how to put them together. Deconstruction has generated
|
||
|
|
its own primitive (hence easily-copyable) *form language*, consisting of
|
||
|
|
diagonal slashes, jagged lines, shiny high-tech materials, cantilevered
|
||
|
|
shapes, concrete and glass walls, acute angles, etc. This comprises a
|
||
|
|
large vocabulary of forms representing disordered visual complexity, but
|
||
|
|
it all lacks linguistic connectivity. There is no system for
|
||
|
|
synthesizing deconstructivist elements into coherent structures.
|
||
|
|
Deconstruction started out in the field of linguistics, with the stated
|
||
|
|
intention of disrupting the communication process (Salingaros, 2004).
|
||
|
|
Its intent from the very beginning was to sabotage language, thus making
|
||
|
|
it nihilistic. It is no wonder, then, that its architectural *form
|
||
|
|
language* is incapable of generating coherent form. It can only give
|
||
|
|
rise to fragmented structures whose purpose is to deny coherent
|
||
|
|
expression. Architectural deconstruction has commandeered systems and
|
||
|
|
resources (media, government, and academic support; architectural prizes
|
||
|
|
and commissions) in its bid to displace other *form languages*. Its mode
|
||
|
|
of propagation is therefore directly analogous to biological
|
||
|
|
competition, where one organism tries to exterminate another.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
It follows that it is hopeless to try to satisfy a *pattern language*
|
||
|
|
using the *form language* of either minimalism, or deconstructivism.
|
||
|
|
Perhaps because of this perceived impossibility, Alexander's *pattern
|
||
|
|
language* (Alexander *et al.*, 1977) has been all but ignored by the
|
||
|
|
mainstream architectural profession. A major misunderstanding of the
|
||
|
|
value of patterns has led to the neglect of *pattern languages*, because
|
||
|
|
they were (correctly) seen to possess far more complex combinatoric
|
||
|
|
properties than contemporary *form languages* in use. The inability of a
|
||
|
|
primitive *form language* to join a *pattern language* should have
|
||
|
|
alerted architects to the deficiencies of that *form language*. What
|
||
|
|
happened instead is that the primitive *form language* was retained,
|
||
|
|
while the possibility of an adaptive design method (that combines a
|
||
|
|
*form language* with a *pattern language*) was abandoned. This decision,
|
||
|
|
crucial for the evolution of architecture, was influenced by forces
|
||
|
|
embedded very deeply in a culture shaped by advertising and ideology. A
|
||
|
|
society that runs largely on images values an iconic architecture above
|
||
|
|
all else, and is loath to re-attach it to something as abstract as a
|
||
|
|
*pattern language*. Adaptation to human needs is incompatible with an
|
||
|
|
image-driven architecture.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Architects have misinterpreted Alexander's *Pattern Language* as too
|
||
|
|
restrictive. They felt that their creative imagination should not be
|
||
|
|
fettered in trying to satisfy Alexandrine patterns. Perhaps they see
|
||
|
|
that the most innovative part of their design clashes with patterns, and
|
||
|
|
they certainly don't want to sacrifice it. I, on the other hand, propose
|
||
|
|
an architecture that is ruthlessly adaptive to human uses and
|
||
|
|
sensibilities: architecture that connects us to the world. If an
|
||
|
|
architectural "statement" makes people uncomfortable, it should not be
|
||
|
|
built. Review boards should not commission it, and juries should not
|
||
|
|
award it an architectural prize. The *pattern language* provides a
|
||
|
|
"reality check" for an architect's imagination. An architect that can
|
||
|
|
create nurturing environments can adapt an innovative idea to patterns;
|
||
|
|
it takes a secure and courageous one to do so.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
**9. A new architecture**
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
*Form language* (actually, fairly primitive versions of a *form
|
||
|
|
language*) is what today's architects focus on, almost to the exclusion
|
||
|
|
of other design constituents. Architects are visually-oriented people,
|
||
|
|
used to thinking in visual terms. I believe that the present discussion
|
||
|
|
can help bring innovation through a new understanding of the complexity
|
||
|
|
of the design process. It is possible to list several insights as points
|
||
|
|
that can be used in practice.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
***Table 11.1. Seven Points that Guide Architectural Design.***
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
1\. Great architecture can, and does result from following a
|
||
|
|
tried-and-true *form language* (in combination with a *pattern
|
||
|
|
language*).
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
2\. The more informationally-rich a *form language* is, the more adapted
|
||
|
|
the architecture could become to the human condition.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
3\. Innovative architects have also developed their own *form language*
|
||
|
|
(e.g., Louis Sullivan, Antoni Gaudí, Victor Horta, Frank Lloyd Wright,
|
||
|
|
Erich Mendelsohn, etc.).
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
4\. Non-adaptive architecture results from following a primitive *form
|
||
|
|
language*, which does not have enough complexity to allow either
|
||
|
|
richness of architectural expression, or adaptivity to human uses and
|
||
|
|
sensibilities.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
5\. Genuine architectural and urban adaptivity can follow only from
|
||
|
|
applying a *pattern language* that codifies human movement and
|
||
|
|
practices.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
6\. An adaptive design method marries *form language* with *pattern
|
||
|
|
language*.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
7\. If a *form language* is too primitive so that it cannot be married
|
||
|
|
to a *pattern language*, then that *form language* should not be used.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
It is possible to begin implementing a program for a new architecture,
|
||
|
|
after we understand architectural forces as explained in this and
|
||
|
|
previous Chapters. These ideas and suggestions should appear as totally
|
||
|
|
practical to present-day architectural students, who have been trained
|
||
|
|
in an architecture of increasing complexity through the use of computer
|
||
|
|
visualization. They have an advantage over the previous generation of
|
||
|
|
architects, who were taught through empty images and forms. Architecture
|
||
|
|
depends on distinct complex languages. The basis for real, adaptive, and
|
||
|
|
sustainable architecture, which was outlined here, is not currently
|
||
|
|
taught in architecture schools, simply because the scientific results
|
||
|
|
are very recent. Education is very easy to change, by replacing the
|
||
|
|
teaching in leading institutions with a curriculum on how to design
|
||
|
|
buildings and cities for human use and having an increased sense of
|
||
|
|
well-being.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
A priority for any architectural project today is to formulate or
|
||
|
|
rediscover a viable *form language*, otherwise one is forced to copy the
|
||
|
|
sterile styles around us. No shape or visual vocabulary should be used
|
||
|
|
just because some alleged authority said that it is "honest",
|
||
|
|
"liberating", or "fashionable". An architect who seeks an honest
|
||
|
|
expression in his or her architecture has to employ the nature of
|
||
|
|
materials to help decide on the *form language*. Preference should be
|
||
|
|
given to local indigenous building materials. One can also look to the
|
||
|
|
pre-industrial past for examples of appropriate forms and geometries.
|
||
|
|
The latest industrial materials will be used if they are useful in a
|
||
|
|
particular setting, but not because of ideology. Most of what we build
|
||
|
|
today relies on industrial materials, but these materials don't have to
|
||
|
|
express a modernist *form language*. There is a potential richness to
|
||
|
|
these materials that was not cultivated because of the dominance of the
|
||
|
|
modernist aesthetic.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
An ornamental tradition often survives better in small-scale structure
|
||
|
|
and surface design. This can be transferred from other visual
|
||
|
|
expressions such an textiles or pottery back into architecture. Another
|
||
|
|
source of forgotten clues to a lost *form language* may be found in
|
||
|
|
regional historical furniture. This process of discovery should not be
|
||
|
|
misinterpreted as superficial historicizing. The rest of the language
|
||
|
|
must be invented by the architect, who needs to incorporate colors,
|
||
|
|
forms, spaces, and ornaments according to the principles revealed in
|
||
|
|
this book. The new *form language* should be richly expressive,
|
||
|
|
individual, and distinct. Nothing should be complex for complexity's
|
||
|
|
sake, nor should any forced simplicity be imposed.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
The new architecture will, not surprisingly, look a lot like traditional
|
||
|
|
architecture (Krier, 1998). If it is successful in connecting to human
|
||
|
|
beings, it will certainly elicit the same feelings of naturalness as
|
||
|
|
those historical built regions still preserved around the world. Yet, as
|
||
|
|
Léon Krier emphasizes, we can build today urban environments that are
|
||
|
|
every bit as comfortable as the greatest examples built in the past. The
|
||
|
|
widely disseminated opinion that we cannot reproduce the best qualities
|
||
|
|
of the past for a multitude of reasons is only propaganda: Christopher
|
||
|
|
Alexander (2004), Léon Krier (1998), and many other humanist architects
|
||
|
|
have built new structures that are innovative, yet timeless in their
|
||
|
|
human adaptation. Those buildings are also more sustainable than
|
||
|
|
buildings that simply try to make an architectural "statement".
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
These ideas are rapidly coming together with scientific support for a
|
||
|
|
new architectural renaissance. We will see the inevitable turning away
|
||
|
|
from the present architectural system of focusing on idiosyncratic
|
||
|
|
expression, sooner or later, because of its irrelevance to human life.
|
||
|
|
It is time to begin training the young architects who will build the
|
||
|
|
future, and who will be asked to repair the wounds inflicted upon the
|
||
|
|
built environment over the past several decades. In all probability, the
|
||
|
|
demand will come from society itself. When that time comes, graduates of
|
||
|
|
today's institutions who know how to use these principles will thus be
|
||
|
|
more employable. Contemporary schools of architecture should be
|
||
|
|
re-oriented to consider more traditional ideas helping innovation, in
|
||
|
|
the way I have indicated here. This may well propel a re-structuring of
|
||
|
|
architectural pedagogy that allows students to look beyond contemporary
|
||
|
|
expressions for inspiration and knowledge. Young architects can once
|
||
|
|
again be creating a sustainable and rich built environment.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
**10. Conclusion**
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
This Chapter has presented a theory of design based on the combination
|
||
|
|
of two types of language: a *pattern language*, and a *form language*.
|
||
|
|
The *pattern language* encodes elements of human interaction with
|
||
|
|
buildings, which are to be found throughout traditional architecture and
|
||
|
|
urbanism. The *form language*, on the other hand, corresponds to
|
||
|
|
whatever geometrical style the building or urban region has taken. In
|
||
|
|
principle, there is enormous freedom to choose a *form language* for a
|
||
|
|
new building today. Nevertheless, what is used in place of a *form
|
||
|
|
language* in our times lacks the complexity and connectivity to define a
|
||
|
|
true language. This often results in geometrically and informationally
|
||
|
|
impoverished environments that are unsuitable or unpleasant for human
|
||
|
|
use. Moreover, the adoption of an overly simplistic *form language*
|
||
|
|
precludes the necessary cooperation with a *pattern language*, thus
|
||
|
|
guaranteeing that human needs will never be satisfied via an adaptive
|
||
|
|
architecture.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Once these mechanisms at the basis of design are more widely known, it
|
||
|
|
would appear reasonable that the world could again learn to build its
|
||
|
|
cities in a way to accommodate human beings. Another factor, however,
|
||
|
|
comes into play: a *form language*, once it is split from a
|
||
|
|
complementary *pattern language*, spreads among the population of minds
|
||
|
|
according to how easy it is to copy. The characteristics of a successful
|
||
|
|
*form language* (successful in terms of being used for many buildings)
|
||
|
|
are the opposite of those of a *form language* required for adaptive
|
||
|
|
design. The fast-spreading one is too simplistic for human use, whereas
|
||
|
|
the useful one capable of adaptation spreads too slowly to compete. We
|
||
|
|
are fighting against a scientific phenomenon: adaptive design is complex
|
||
|
|
and thus difficult to spread, whereas pathological design spreads very
|
||
|
|
easily through the visual media. Thus, it is critically important that
|
||
|
|
students and teachers learn to recognize this phenomenon as it is
|
||
|
|
occurring.
|